Tarzian's paper " The Girl Who Cried Pain ," which concluded that men often receive more pain medication than women for the same conditions.
The frighteningly high maternity mortality rates for Black women are in part the result of ideas about who is and is not entitled to speak on medical matters. When Black women advocate for themselves, they can be seen as being disrespectful to doctors and nurses. Manne argues that sexism's real power stems from a system built on morality, respectability and, yes, entitlement.
When men are denied power and pleasure, or when women aspire to those things, Manne writes, people of all genders are outraged. Brett Kavanaugh and his supporters not only denied that he had attempted to rape Christine Blasey-Ford.
They were angry that his right to a Supreme Court seat had been questioned. President Donald Trump, for example, said that Kavanaugh " was born " for a Supreme Court seat, and insisted, "We have to fight for him, not worry about the other side, and, by the way, women are for that more than anybody would understand.
Just as disturbingly, women who ask for pain medication or who refuse men sex may feel shame. Manne says that even when women do not want sex, they sometimes consent "because we're living in a world where men are deemed entitled to have consent from women. And so consent will often be given in a way that's not coerced in the sense of interpersonal coercion, but is coerced by prevalent social scripts and the sense of obligation that they can generate for women.
Pushing back against sexism is doubly difficult when sexism has so profoundly shaped our sense of right and wrong, and of who deserves power, happiness and affection. Manne says that in the past she's felt that overturning male entitlement might be an impossible task.
But since she's had a new daughter, she's had a renewed sense of its urgency. The Commission - which is an independent body that advises government - has already released its initial conclusions, saying that sex or gender based hostility should be added to the existing five characteristics protected in hate crime laws. But it has not yet made its official recommendations and they are not expected to be published until the autumn. Image source, Reuters. The killing of Sarah Everard has sparked fresh debate on how to protect women from violence.
How a woman's death sparked UK soul-searching How many attacks on women are there? Women 'should be protected' under hate crime laws. What is a hate crime? What would the law do? This video can not be played To play this video you need to enable JavaScript in your browser. Why is there currently no law dealing with this?
Home Office Minister Victoria Atkins has voiced concerns over the proposal. But that immediately raises this question: What are these patriarchal norms and expectations, especially in superficially more egalitarian contexts, like America today?
And so that question is really what the second book is trying to answer. And my answer to it is that a lot of these norms and expectations take the form of what men are deemed to be entitled to and what women are held to be obligated to give to them—by way of sex, obviously, but, still more insidiously, things like love and care and attention and affection, as well as honoring their claims to knowledge and power.
Very much. I mean, for better or worse, the kind of scholarship I do is really about being immersed in the current political scene and trying to make sense of it. And often it turns out that there are strong parallels, or maybe even a lot of overlap—but I tend to leave that for other scholars to weigh in on, people who are historians, as opposed to me being a philosopher and cultural critic.
What have you made of the way that the MeToo movement has played out since your last book, in ? I think we still have to pay a lot more attention to how sexual harassment and assault affect the most vulnerable and marginalized women and not just high-profile, typically white, beautiful Hollywood actresses.
I think, rather, there is a more empowered segment of the population that is coming together to protest the ways in which men have long abused power, which are particularly disadvantageous to women and more vulnerable women, especially.
You mentioned that MeToo should not be just about Hollywood actresses. It seems that a lot of the conversation about sexism or misogyny tends to revolve around representation or sexism in Hollywood or in other high-profile industries. Is there not enough focus on women who are less visible, with less economic power? For example, immigrant women, illegalized women, the excellent research being done on the kinds of egregious systemic sexual assault faced by ICE detainees.
But I would say that sometimes the attention that we give to high-profile cases just needs to be framed in a more nuanced way. When high-profile women are lightning rods for misogyny and racism and their intersection in misogynoir, I think we would do well to pay attention to it, not as an issue that affects them personally but rather as an issue that affects all women who are in a similar demographic, and which will be visited on more vulnerable women in that category in disproportionately problematic ways.
I want to go back to the thesis of the book and talk about privilege. Look at sex. Look at the under-investigation of rape cases. Look at pressure to consent to sex. Look at medical care. Look at domestic labor. Look at who has power and who is deemed entitled to have power. More on:. Singapore offers warning. Second COP26 draft agreement softens language on coal and fossil fuel reduction.
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